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I am — Returning to Ireland. I am - Going to college. I am - Self-employed. I want to - Apply for a driving licence. For example, political morality may require public officials to stand up for the rule of law, even in situations where this will damage their careers.

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Or political morality may require citizens to protest against an unjust law, even if this means a private risk of being jailed or blacklisted. Political morality may even require citizens to run the risk of losing their lives in order to defend the constitutional order against a foreign threat see Walzer ; Rousseau b [ 63—4].

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In each of these cases, no matter how well designed institutions are, citizens may not have an adequate private incentive to do what political morality requires, so a genuine concern for the common good may be essential. A different explanation—perhaps the most important one in the common good tradition—stresses the idea of a social relationship. Think of the relationship between parents and their children.

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This relationship requires not only that the people involved act in certain ways towards one another, but also that they care about one another in certain ways. For instance, parents are required not only to feed and clothe their children, perhaps to avoid getting fined by the Department of Child and Family Services. Many philosophers argue that our relation to our fellow citizens has similar features. The political bond requires not only that we act in certain ways, but also that we give the interests of our fellow citizens a certain status in our practical reasoning.

It would be unacceptable, on this view, for citizens to fulfill certain public roles purely for the sake of private incentives. A Supreme Court justice, for example, must care about the rule of law and the common interests that this practice serves. If she were making consistent rulings just to cash her paycheck every two weeks, she would not be responding in the right way to her fellow citizens, who act for the sake of common interests in doing things such as voting, following the law, and standing ready to defend the constitutional order.

Many philosophers believe that there is something morally defective about a private society, even one in which private incentives move people to fill all of the important public roles. A conception of the common good provides us with an account of what is missing from the practical reasoning of citizens in a private society, and it connects this with a wider view about the relational obligations that require citizens to reason in these ways.

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According to a common good conception of political morality, members of a political community stand in a social relationship with one another. This relationship is not as intimate as the relationship among family members or the members of a church. This basic outlook leads most conceptions of the common good to share certain features.

The first feature that most conceptions share is that they describe a pattern of practical reasoning that is meant to be realized in the actual thought processes of the members of a political community. A conception of the common good is not just a criterion for correct action, such that citizens would satisfy the conception so long as they performed the correct action, regardless of their subjective reasons for doing so. The point of a conception of the common good is to define a pattern of practical reasoning, a way of thinking and acting that constitutes the appropriate form of mutual concern among members.

In order to satisfy the conception, the activities of the members of the community must be organized, at some level, by thought processes that embody the relevant pattern. Most conceptions of the common good identify a set of facilities that citizens have a special obligation to maintain in virtue of the fact that these facilities serve certain common interests. The relevant facilities may be part of the natural environment e. But the most important facilities in the literature are social institutions and practices. For example, a scheme of private property exists when members of a community conform to rules that assign individuals certain forms of authority over external objects.

Private property, as a social institution, serves a common interest of citizens in being able to assert private control over their physical environment, and so many conceptions include this institution as part of the common good. A conception of the common good will define a privileged class of abstract interests.

Citizens are understood to have a relational obligation to create and maintain certain facilities because these facilities serve the relevant interests. A wide variety of interests figure prominently in the literature, including: the interest in taking part in the most choiceworthy way of life Aristotle Pol. Most conceptions of the common good define a form of practical reasoning that fits the model of solidarity.

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Many social relationships require a form of solidarity among those who stand in the relationship. Solidarity here basically involves one person giving a certain subset of the interests of another person a status in her reasoning that is analogous to the status that she gives to her own interests in her reasoning see, e.

For example, if my friend needs a place to sleep tonight, friendship requires that I should offer him my couch. A conception of the common good typically requires citizens to maintain certain facilities because these facilities serve certain common interests. So when citizens reason as the conception requires, they effectively give the interests of their fellow citizens a status in their reasoning that is analogous to the status that they give to their own interests in their reasoning.

An example will make the idea more intuitive. Citizens in this community are united by a solidaristic form of mutual concern that is focused on among other things their common interests in physical security and property. This form of mutual concern requires each citizen to respond to an attack on the body or property of a fellow citizen as if this were an attack on her own body and property. When extended over all members, this form of mutual concern requires the whole community to respond to an attack on any individual member as if this were an attack on every member.

A closely related feature is that most conceptions of the common good do not take an aggregative view of individual interests. Because it focuses on the aggregate, the aggregative view may require citizens to impose a debilitating condition on some of their fellow citizens when this would generate sufficient gains for others. Solidarity rules out the aggregative view. Starting with an appropriate view of her own interests, solidarity requires each citizen to give certain interests of her fellow citizens a status in her reasoning that is similar to the status that she gives to her own interests.

This way of thinking does not allow citizens to abandon the interests of any of their fellow citizens for the sake of aggregate gains. For instance, solidarity would not allow citizens to subject some of their fellow citizens to slavery, even if this might produce substantial benefits for others, because enslavement would involve a failure on the part of each citizen to give the interests of each of her enslaved comrades the right status in her reasoning.

One way has to do with how they define the privileged class of common interests that are the object of the political relationship. We can divide the important views in the literature into two main categories: a joint activity conceptions and b private individuality conceptions. A joint activity conception defines the privileged class of common interests as interests that members have in taking part in a complex activity that involves all or most members of the community.

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Among those who endorse this kind of view are ancient philosophers, such as Plato Republic and Aristotle Politics , secular natural law theorists such as John Finnis , and most natural law theorists in the Catholic tradition. Aspects of the joint activity view are also important in the work of communitarian thinkers such as Charles Taylor and, to a lesser extent, Michael Sandel Aristotle holds that members of a political community are not just involved in a military alliance or an especially dense network of contractual agreements Pol.

Members are also involved in a relationship that he describes as a form of friendship NE b25— This friendship consists in citizens wishing one another well, their being aware of the fact that their fellow citizens wish them well, and their taking part in a shared life that answers to this mutual concern Pol. In caring about one another and wishing one another well, what citizens care about in particular is that they and their fellow citizens live well, that is, live the most choiceworthy life.

This pattern of activity is a pattern of joint activity because, like a play, it has various interdependent parts that can only be realized by the members of a group together. The pattern is centered on an array of leisured activities that are valuable in themselves, including philosophy, mathematics, art and music. But the pattern also includes the activity of coordinating the social effort to engage in leisured activities i.

These facilities form an environment in which citizens can engage in leisured activities and in which they can perform the various coordinating and supporting activities. Think of a college like Princeton or Harvard. Members of the university community are bound together in a social relationship marked by a certain form of mutual concern: members care that they and their fellow members live well, where living well is understood in terms of taking part in a flourishing university life.

This way of life is organized around intellectual, cultural and athletic activities, such as physics, art history, lacrosse, and so on. Members work together to maintain an array of facilities that serve their common interest in taking part in this joint activity e. And we can think of public life in the university community in terms of a form of shared practical reasoning that most members engage in, which focuses on maintaining common facilities for the sake of their common interest.

Private individuality conceptions offer a different account of the privileged class of common interests. According to these views, members of a political community have a relational obligation to care about their common interest in being able to lead lives as private individuals.

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Citizens each have an interest in being able to shape their lives through their own private choices about what activities to pursue and what associations to form. Rousseau b , Adam Smith , and G. Hegel More recent figures who endorse this kind of view include John Rawls and Michael Walzer These interests are a the interest in a fully adequate scheme of equal basic liberties and b the interest in a fair opportunity to reach the more attractive positions in society.

Understood in this way, the common good consists, inter alia , of: a legal order that provides citizens with the liberty of expression, the liberty of conscience and the other liberal freedoms; a democratic system of government that provides citizens with political liberties, such as the liberty to vote, hold office and participate in collective rule-making; a system of courts to enforce the rule of law; as well as police protection and national defense to protect the basic liberties.

The common good also consists of legal protections for free choice of occupation; mass media mechanisms that gather and disperse information about job possibilities; a transportation system to give people access to work; and a system of education whether public or private that ensures conditions in which people with similar talents and motivations have similar prospects, regardless of their class or family background.

The facilities that answer to the common interest in equal liberty and fair opportunity put citizens in a position to join or withdraw from various activities and associations as private persons who can make their own independent choices.